Saturday, 26 April 2014

Ethiopia detains bloggers and journalist

According to sources from Addis Ababa, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2014/04/ethiopia-detains-bloggers-journalist-2014426163222797965.html, http://ethsat.com/video/esat-special-news-zone-9-bloggers-arrested-april-25-2014/ and Amnesty International Sunday April 27 2014. six members of the Zone Nine, group of bloggers and and social media activists were arrested today, April 25, at 5:20 pm by the TPLF/EPRDF security. Team members Befeqadu Hailu, Atnaf Berahane, MahletFantahun, Zelalem Kiberet, Natnael Feleke and Abel Wabela. The arrest comes immediately after the bloggers and activists notified their return to their usual activism on April 23, 2014 after their inactivity for the past seven months. 


Friday, 25 April 2014

 አፈናው ተጧጥፎ ቀጥሏል

 ፖሊስ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላትን ማሰሩን ቀጥሏል
Semayawi party members on action
ፖሊስ ቀስቃሾቹን እያሰረ ነው ፖሊስ የእውቅናው ደብዳቤ አልደረሰኝም በሚል በተለያዩ የአዲስ አበባ ክፍሎች ቅስቀሳ ላይ የተሰማሩትን የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች እያሰረ ነው፡፡ በአሁኑ ወቅት በየካ፣ ካሳንቺስና አቧሬ ሲቀሰቅሱ የነበሩ ወጣቶች በፖሊስ ተይዘው ታስረዋል፡፡ ቀስቃሾቹ ሰልፉ እውቅና እንደተሰጠው የሚያመለክተውን ወረቀት ለፖሊስ ቢያሳዩም ፖሊሶች የእውቅናው ደብዳቡ አልደረሰንም በሚል አስረዋቸዋል፡፡ ቀስቃሾቹ የያዙት የእውቅና ደብዳቤ ግልባጭ ለፖሊስ የተጻፈበት በመሆኑ ሰልፉ እውቅና አግኝቶ እያለ ሆን ተብሎ ለማደናቀፍ እንደሆነ ምክትር ሊቀመንበሩ አቶ ስለሽ ፈይሳ ገልፀዋል፡፡
በላም በረት፣ ቦሌ ድልድይ፣ ኮተቤ፣ መገናኛ ቅስቀሳ ሲያደርጉ የነበሩ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ቅስቀሳቸውን በተሳካ መልኩ አጠናቀዋል፡፡ በሌሎች አካባቢዎች የተሰማሩት አባላት ቅስቀሳውን አጠናክረው ቀጥለዋል፡፡ በሌላ በኩል በየካ፣ ካሳንቺስና አቧሬን ጨምሮ በሌሎች የከተማይቱ ክፍሎች ፖሊስ ከ20 በላይ አባላትን ማሰሩ ታውቋል፡፡

ይህ በዚህ እንዳለ ፖሊስ ቅስቀሳው ላይ ያልነበሩ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አመራሮችንም እያሰረ ነው፡፡ የታሰሩትን አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ሁኔታ ለማጣራት ወደ የካ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ያቀኑ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አመራሮችና አባላትን ፖሊስ አስሯቸዋል፡፡
በዛሬው ቀን ካሳንቺስ ስድስተኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ የታሰሩት
1. ብሌን መስፍን
2. አስናቀ በቀለ
3. መስፍን
4. ተስፋዬ አሻግሬ
5. እዮብ ማሞ
6. ኩራባቸው
7. ተዋቸው ዳምጤ
የካ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ታስረው የሚገኙት የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች
1. ፍቅረ ማሪያም አስማማው
2. እያስፔድ ተስፋዬ
3. ጋሻው መርሻ
4. ተስፋዬ መርኔ
5. ሀብታሜ ደመቀ
6. ዘሪሁን ተስፋዬ
7. ጌታነህ ባልቻ
8. ንግስት ወንዲፍራው
9. ሜሪን አለማየሁ ናቸው
የካ አካባቢ ታስረው የሚገኙ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አመራሮችና አባላት ምግብ እንዳይገባላቸው ተከልክለዋል፡፡ በሌላ በኩል አህመድ መሃመድ፣ሀይለማሪያም፣ ሱራፌልና አምሃ የተባሉ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላት መገናኛ አካባቢ ተይዘው ወደ የካ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ተዘዋውረዋል፡፡ በአጠቃላይ የካ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ የሚገኙት 14 መሆናቸው ታውቋል፡፡ በሁሉም ፖሊስ ጣቢያዎች የሚገኙት አመራሮችና አባላት በአሁኑ ወቅት ቃል እየሰጡ ሲሆን ሊያድሩ እንደሚችሉም ተነግሯቸዋል፡፡
በሌላ በኩል የአዲስ አበባ ፖሊስ ኮሚሽን ምክትል ኮሚሽነር ቢሮ ተደውሎ የሰላማዊ ሰልፉን አስተባባሪዎች ጧት ሁለት ሰዓት ላይ ‹‹ኑ እና እንነጋገር!›› የሚል ጥሪ አድርጓል፡፡ ከሰልፉ አስተባባሪዎች መካከል አቶ ጌታነህ ባልቻ ታስሮ ይገኛል፡፡

Tuesday, 22 April 2014

Ethiopia's 'villagisation' scheme fails to bear fruit
Residents say government has not delivered on resettlement promise of land, clean water and livestock
The orderly village of Agulodiek in Ethiopia's western Gambella region stands in stark contrast to Elay, a settlement 5km west of Gambella town, where collapsed straw huts strewn with cracked clay pots lie among a tangle of bushes.
Agulodiek is a patch of land where families gradually gathered of their own accord, while Elay is part of the Ethiopian government's contentious "villagisation" scheme that ended last year. The plan in Gambella was to relocate almost the entire rural population of the state over three years. Evidence from districts surrounding Gambella town suggest the policy is failing.
Two years ago people from Agulodiek moved to Elay after officials enticed them with promises of land, livestock, clean water, a corn grinder, education and a health clinic. Instead they found dense vegetation they were unable to cultivate. After one year of selling firewood to survive, they walked back home.
"All the promises were empty," says Apwodho Omot, an ethnic Anuak, sitting in shade at Agulodiek. There is a donor-funded school at the village whose dirt paths are swept clear of debris, and the government built a hand pump in 2004 that still draws water from a borehole. Apwodho's community says they harvest corn twice a year from fertile land they have cleared. "We don't know why the government picked Elay," she says.
Gambella region's former president Omod Obang Olum reported last year that 35,000 households had voluntarily moved from a target of 45,000. The official objective had been to cluster scattered households to make public service delivery more efficient. Critics such as Human Rights Watch said the underlying reason was to clear the way for agricultural investors, and that forced evictions overseen by soldiers involved rape and murder. The Ethiopian government refute the allegations.
Last month the London-based law firm Leigh Day & Co began proceedings against the UK Department for International Development (DfID) at the high court after a man from Gambella alleged he suffered abuse when the agency supported the resettlement scheme. Since 2006, DfID and other donors have funded a multibillion-dollar programme in Ethiopia that pays the salaries of key regional government workers such as teachers and nurses through the Protection of Basic Services scheme.
A DfID spokesman said: "We will not comment on ongoing legal action, however, the UK has never funded Ethiopia's resettlement programmes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling and clean water."
Karmi, 10km from Gambella town, is a newly expanded community for those resettled along one of the few tarmac roads. Two teachers scrub clothes in plastic tubs on a sticky afternoon. A herd of goats nibble shrubs as purple and orange lizards edge up tree trunks. There is little activity in the village, which has bare pylons towering over it waiting for high-voltage cables to improve Gambella's patchy electricity supply.
The teachers work in an impressive school built in 2011 with funds from the UN refugee agency. It has a capacity of 245 students for grades one to five – yet the teachers have only a handful of pupils per class. "This is a new village but the people have left," says Tigist Megersa.
Kolo Cham grows sorghum and corn near the Baro river, a 30-minute walk from his family home at Karmi. The area saw an influx of about 600 people at the height of villagisation, says Kolo, crouching on a tree stump, surrounded only by a group of children with a puppy. Families left when they got hungry and public services weren't delivered. "They moved one by one so the government didn't know the number was decreasing," he says.
The Anuak at Karmi have reason to fear the authorities, particularly Ethiopia's military. Several give accounts of beatings and arrests by soldiers as they searched for the perpetrators of a nearby March 2012 attack on a bus that killed 19. The insecurity was a key factor in the exodus, according to residents.
As well as the Anuak, who have tended crops near riverbanks in Gambella for more than 200 years, the region is home to cattle-herding Nuer residents, who began migrating from Sudan in the late 19th century. Thousands of settlers from northern Ethiopia also arrived in the 1980s when the highlands suffered a famine. The government blamed the bus attack on Anuak rebels who consider their homeland colonised.
David Pred is the managing director of Inclusive Development International. The charity is representing Gambella residents, who have accused the World Bank of violating its own policies by funding the resettlement programme. An involuntary, abusive, poorly planned and inadequately funded scheme was bound to fail, he says. "It requires immense resources, detailed planning and a process that is truly participatory in order for resettlement to lead to positive development outcomes," he adds.
Most of flood-prone Gambella, one of Ethiopia's least developed states, is covered with scrub and grasslands. Inhospitable terrain makes it difficult for villagisation to take root in far-flung places such as Akobo, which borders South Sudan. Akobo is one of the three districts selected for resettlement, according to Kok Choul, who represents the district in the regional council.
In 2009, planners earmarked Akobo for four new schools, clinics, vets, flourmills and water schemes, as well as 76km of road. But the community of about 30,000 has seen no change, says 67-year-old Kok, who has 19 children from four wives. "There is no road to Gambella so there is no development," he says. One well-placed civil servant explains that funds for services across the region were swallowed by items such as daily allowances for government workers.
A senior regional official says the state ran low on funds for resettlement, leading to delivery failures and cost-cutting. For example, substandard corn grinders soon broke and have not been repaired, he says. The government will continue to try to provide planned services in three districts including Akobo this year and next, according to the official.
However, the programme has transformed lives, with some farmers harvesting three times a year, says Ethiopia's ambassador to the UK, Berhanu Kebede. The government is addressing the "few cases that are not fully successful", he says. Service provision is ongoing and being monitored and improved upon if required, according to Kebede.
At Elay, Oman Nygwo, a wiry 40-year-old in cut-off jeans, gives a tour of deserted huts and points to a line of mango trees that mark his old home on the banks of the Baro. He is scathing about the implementation of the scheme but remains in Elay as there is less risk of flooding. There was no violence accompanying these resettlements, Oman says, but "there would be problems if the government tried to move us again".
Residents say government has not delivered on resettlement promise of land, clean water and livestock
THE GUARDIAN|BY WILLIAM DAVISON

Federal Police kill at least 8 in Afar region

April 22, 2014

Local residents and human rights organisations say that Ethiopia’s Federal Police force has killed at least eight people in Kurkura area of Afar, Eastern Ethiopia following the inter-clan conflict between the Afar and the Somali people last week. The Afar People Party (APP) on its part says the number of people killed amounts to twelve.
The local people near Awash Sebat Kilo have blocked transportation to Djibouti port for 12 hours after the police took the actions.
Although the officials of Afar region travelled to the area to talk to the people, the people responded saying that they do not represent them.
The blockade reportedly stopped after three officers of the Ethiopian Defense Forces promised the people that the problems will be solved within ten days.
A resident of the area told ESAT in a phone interview that she witnessed the killing of eight people including an eighty-five years old elderly. She said another pregnant woman who was crying for her killed son was severely beaten.  She said although the governmenthas gone to Somalia to do ‘peacekeeping’, it has completely forgotten its own citizens here.
Gaas Ahmed, Chairman of the Afar Human Rights Organisation, said he has gotten the list of the deceased. He said there is also a meeting now underway in Dire Dawa to demarcate the borders of the two regional states.
Gaas said the Afar people have to fight for their rights. He asked all parties and international human rights organisations to stand with the people. 
source: http://ethsat.com/2014/04/22/federal-police-kill-at-least-8-in-afar-region/ 

Friday, 18 April 2014

የዩኒቨርሲቲ ተማሪዎቹ ‘ሮሮና ስጋት

“ምላሽ ካልተሰጠን የትምህርት ማቆምና ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እናደርጋለን!”
addis ababa university


የትምህርት ሚኒስትር በ2006 ዓ.ም በአገሪቱ በተፈጠረው የመምህራን እጥረት ምክንያት በተለ ያዩ የትምህርት ዘርፎች የመጀመሪያ ዲግሪያቸውን ያገኙ ኢትዮጵያውያንን ለአንድ አመት ሙሉ ወጫቸውን ችሎ የማስተማር ስነ ዘዴ (ፔዳጎጅ) በማስተማር ወደ መምህርነት እንዲገቡ ማስታ ወቂያ ያወጣል፡፡ በወጣው ማስታወቂያ መሰረ ትም ለማጣሪያነት የቀረበውን ፈተና በመፈተን መልምሎ ለስልጠና እንዲገቡ ይደረጋል፡፡ በዚህ መሰረት በ10 ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች (መቀሌ፣ ባህር ዳር፣ ወሎ፣ ወለጋ፣ ጅማ፣ ወላይታ ሶዶ፣ ዲላ፣ ሀሮማያ፣ ሀዋሳና አዲስ አበባ) እንዲሰለጥኑ ይደረጋል፡፡
ይህ ስልጠና እየተካሄደ ባለበት ወቅት አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የተመደቡት ሙሉ ወጫቸ ውን መንግስት እንደሚችል ተነግሯቸው ነበር የመጡት፡፡ በዩኒቨርሲቲው መጀመሪያ የተደለ ደሉት 330 ነበሩ፡፡ ሆኖም ግን ተማሪዎቹ ቃል በተገባላቸው መሰረት መቀጠል አለመቻላቸውን ነው በቅሬታ የሚናገሩት፡፡ ወደ ዝግጅት ክፍላችን በአካል መጥተው ስለሁኔታው ያስረዱት ተማሪዎች ሁኔታውን እንደሚከተለው ያስረዳሉ፡፡ ‹‹ማስታወቂያውን አይተን ስራችን ለቀን ነው የመጣነው፡፡ ሆኖም አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ትምህርት ሚኒስትር ቃል በገባው መሰረት ከህዳር 23 ጀምሮ የምግብም ሆነ የቤት አገልግሎት ሊሰጠን አልቻለም፡፡ አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የመኝታ አገልግሎት የለም በመባሉ ደብረዘይት በሚገኘው የዩኒቨርሲቲው ቅርንጫፍ የእንሰሳት ህክምና እና የግብርና ኮሌጅ ለሁለት ሳምንት እንድንቆይ ተደረገ፡፡ ሆኖም ደብረ ዘይት በሚገኘው ኮሌጅ ጥቁር ሰሌዳን ጨምሮ ለመማር ማስተማር የሚያገለግሉ አቅርቦቶች ልናገኝ አልቻልንም፡፡››
ከዚህም ባሻገር በዚህ ወቅት ተማሪዎቹ የመብት ጥያቄ እንዲያነሱ ያደረጋቸው ሌላ ምክንያትም ተፈጠረ፡፡ ‹‹ትምህርቱ በተባለው መልኩ ሊሰጠን አልቻለም፡፡ አንድ መምህር ወደ ደብረዘይት ሄዶ የሳምንቱን የትምህርት ፕሮግራም ከጠዋቱ 2 ሰዓት እስከ 6 ሰዓት እንዲሁም ከ7 ሰዓት ተኩል እስከ 11 ሰዓት ተኩል አስተምሮ ይሄዳል፡፡ ይህን ተከትሎም አንዳንድ የመብት ጥያቄዎችን ማንሳት ጀመርን፡፡›› ይላል አስተባባሪውና የጅኦግራፊ ተማሪው ጋሻነህ ላቀ፡፡
ተማሪዎቹ ሌላ ስራ ስለሌላቸውና ከቤተሰብ ውጭ ስለሚኖሩ አንዳንድ መሰረታዊ አቅርቦቶች እንዲሰጧቸው ለትምህርት ሚኒስትር ያሳውቃሉ፡ ፡ አያይዘውም የትምህርት እድል እንዲያገኙና በደሞዝ ጉዳይም ድምጽ አሰባስበው ያስገባሉ፡፡ ትምህርት ሚኒስትርም ‹‹እናንተ የወጭ መጋራት ስላልሞላችሁ የጠየቃችሁት አቅርቦት አይሰጣችሁም፡፡›› ይላቸዋል፡፡
በዚህ ሁኔታ በሁለት ሳምንት ውስጥ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ይመለሳሉ የተባሉት ተማሪዎች ለሁለት ወር ከሁለት ሳምንት በላይ (ከህዳር 24- የካቲት 8) በደብረዘይት እንዲቆዩ ይደረጋል፡፡ ከደብረ ዘይት ሲመለሱ ይዘጋጃል ተብሎ የነበረው አልጋም ሆነ ሌላ አቅርቦት አልተዘጋጀም፡፡ ይልቁንም ያሬድ የሙዚቃ ትምህርት ቤት ውስጥ ከሚገኝ ባዶ ክፍል ውስጥ መሬት ላይ አራት አራት ፍራሽ እያነጠፉ እንዲተኙ ይደረጋሉ፡፡ ትምህርቱን ጥለው እንዳይሄዱ እስካሁን ያሳለፉትን ችግር ትተው መሄድ አልፈለጉም፡፡ ከዚህ ይልቅ ትምህርት ሚኒ ስትርንና አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ችግሩን እንዲፈታ በተደጋጋሚ ጥያቄ ያቀርባሉ፡፡ ይህ ጥያቄያቸው ንም እስከ ፓርላማና ሌሎች ተቋማት ድረስ አድ ርሰዋል፡፡ ሆኖም ተገቢውን ምላሽ ሊያገኙ እንዳ ልቻሉ ይገልጻሉ፡፡
በዚህ ምክንያት የተማሪዎች ችግር እንዲፈታ ጥረት የሚያደርጉ አስተባባሪዎች ጉዳዩን ወደ ሚዲያ ለማውጣት ይቆርጣሉ፡፡ የሸገር ሬድዮ ጋዜጠኞችም ጉዳዩን ተማሪዎቹ ያሉበት አካባቢ ድረስ ሄደው ይዘግቡታል፡፡ እነዚህ ተማሪዎች ከሌሎች በተለይም አስተባባሪዎቹ በሌሎች ዩኒቨ ርሲቲዎች በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ከሚማሩት ጋርም ግንኙነት ይመሰርታሉ፡፡ እነዚህ ተማሪዎች የሚ ያደርጉትን የመብት ጥያቄና እንቅስቃሴ አብረዋ ቸው የሚማሩ ካድሬዎች (እነሱ ሰርጎ ገቦች ይሏ ቸዋል) ፖለቲካዊ እንቅስቃሴ መሆኑን ለሶስተኛ አካል (ለመንግስት) መረጃ ይሰጣሉ፡፡ ከተቃዋሚ ዎች ጋርም ግንኙነት እንዳላቸው ይናገራሉ፡፡ ይህ መረጃ ለመንግስት አካላት መድረሱንም መረጃው ከደረሳቸው መካከል ውስጥ አዋቂዎች መልሰው ለአስተባባሪዎቹ ይነግሯቸዋል፡፡ አስተባባሪዎቹ የሚያነሷቸው የመብት ጥያቄዎችም ወደ አመጽ ሊቀይሩት እንደሆነ በመግለጽ መታሰር እንዳለባ ቸው መወሰኑን ይገልጻሉ፡፡ ይህንን ተከትሎም እስ ራትና አፈና ሊደርስባቸው እንደሚችል ስጋታቸውን ይገልጻሉ፡፡
አስተባባሪዎቹ ‹‹ፖለቲካዊ ጥያቄ መጠየቅ መብ ታችን መሆኑን አላጣነውም፤ ነገር ግን የአሁኑ ጥያ ቄያችን የመብት እንጂ ፖለቲካዊ ጥያቄ አይደለም›› ይላሉ፤ አክለውም ሊታሰሩ እንደሚችሉ የውስጥ ምንጫቸው በእርግጠኝነት እንደነገራቸው ይገል ጻሉ፡፡
ወጭ መጋራት በስምምነታቸው ላይ ያልነበረ ቢሆንም አሁን ግን እንደገና መጥቷል፡፡ መምህር ከሆናችሁ በአገልግሎት ዘመን፣ ሌላ ስራ ከሰራ ችሁ በገንዘብ ትከፍላላችሁ ተብለዋል፡፡ ይህ ግን ስምምነቱ ላይ አልነበረም እንደተማሪዎቹ ገለጻ፡፡ ‹‹እንዲያው ይህን ስምምነት እንሙላ ከተባለ እንኳን የሚሰጡን አገልግሎቶች ሊሟሉልን ይገባ ነበር፡፡ አሁንም ያቀረብነው አገልግሎቶች እንዲሟ ሉልን የሚል ነው፡፡ ያቀረብናቸው ቅድመ ሁኔታ ዎች ከተሟሉ ወጭ መጋራቱን ልንፈርም እንችላ ለን፡፡ እነሱ ግን በሚገባ ጥያቄያችን ሊመልሱልን አልቻሉም፡፡ እንዲያውም ምግብና ሌሎች አቅርቦቶች እንደማይሰጠን፣ ትዕዛዙ ከትምህርት ሚኒስትር የመጣ በመሆኑ ካልፈረሙ ዩኒቨርሲቲውን ለቀን ልንሄድ እንደሚገባ ሁሉ አስፈራርተውናል፡፡›› የሚለው ደግሞ የስፖርት ሳይንስ ተማሪና እንቅስቃሴውን ሲመራ የቆየው ሚሊዮን ታደሰ ነው፡፡
በተመሳሳይ ጅማ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሚገኙት ተማሪዎች መብታቸውን ስለጠየቁ ሁለት ቀን ምግብ ከልክለው ጾም እንዳዋሉዋቸው ይገልጻሉ፡፡ በፖሊስ እያስደበደቡም ከግቢ አስወጥተዋቸዋል፡ ፡ ‹‹ባልተዘጋጀንበት ሁኔታ ትምህርቱን ጥለን አንሄ ድም!› ብለው መኖሪያቸው ቁጭ ቢሉም በፖሊስ ተከበው በመደብደባቸው በግድ የወጭ መጋራቱን ለመሙላት ተገደዋል፡፡ ከጅማ ውጭ በሌሎች ዩኒ ቨርሲቲዎች የሚገኙት ተማሪዎች የወጭ መጋራት አልሞሉም፡፡ በሶስቱ ዪኒቨርሲቲዎች (መቀሌ፣ ባህር ዳርና ወላይታ ሶዶ) የወጭ መጋራት አልተጠ የቀም፡፡ እነሱም ግን መጠየቃቸው የማይቀር ነው፡፡ ጅማ በግድ ሞልተዋል፡፡ ሌሎቹ ጋር በግዳጅ እንዲሞላ ጫና እየተደረገ በመሆኑ ያልተጠየቁትንም እንዲሞሉ ያስገድዷቸዋል፡፡››
ለተማሪዎቹ የተሰጠው ምላሽ በዚህ አያበቃም፡ ፡ ‹‹መብት ብላችሁ መጠየቅ የለባችሁም፡፡ አርፋችሁ ተማሩ›› ተብለናል፡፡ የወጭ መጋራቱን እንድንሞላ ለማስገደድ ከትምህርት ሚኒስትር ሳይቀር ሰዎች እንደተላከባቸውን ይገልጻሉ፡፡
አስተባባሪዎቹ ተማሪዎችን በማስተባበር የምንመደበው መሰረታዊ ወጭዎችን አሟልተን የማንኖርበት መምህር ነት፤ መንግስት እያዋረደው፣ ህዝብም እየናቀው ባለ ሙያ ውስጥ ልንገባ ተጨማሪ እዳ አንገባም ይላሉ፡፡ ተማሪዎቹ እንደሚሉት መንግስት አስተባባሪዎቹን በማሰር ጉዳዩን አድበስብሶ ለማለፍ ጥረት እያደረገ ነው፡፡ ‹‹በእኛ በኩል ምላሽ ካልተሰጠን ትምህርት ማቆምና ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ የማ ድረግ እርምጃዎችን እንወስዳለን፡፡ ምግብ ሊከለክሉን አይችሉም፤ ይህ በእኛ እና በአባቶቻችን ስም ተለምኖ የመጣ ነው›› በማለት መብታቸውን አሳልፈው እንደማይ ሰጡም ይናገራሉ፡፡ የዝግጅት ክፍላችን ድረስ መጥተው ስለጉዳዩ መረጃ የሰጡት የእንቅስቃሴው መሪዎች የሚከ ፈለውን መስዕዋትነት ከፍለው መብታቸውን እንደሚያስ ከብሩ ገልጸውልናል፡፡ 

Planned anti-gay rally in Ethiopia is cancelled

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — A planned anti-gay rally that would have made Ethiopia the latest African country to demonize gays has been cancelled, officials said Wednesday.
In addition, plans by the legislature to add gay sex to a list of crimes not eligible for presidential pardons has been dropped, said Redwan Hussein, a government spokesman.
Hostility toward gays acrossAfrica is high. Uganda andNigeria increased penalties against gay acts this year. Homosexuals in other countries face severediscrimination and harmful physical attacks.
Gay Ethiopians still face severe penalties for living in the open. Same-sex acts are punishable by up to 15 years in prison. A 25-year jail term is given to anyone convicted of infecting another person with HIV during same-sex acts.
But the government does not appear ready to further demonize homosexuals. Redwan said the anti-gay rally was on certain groups’ agenda, but not the government’s.
“It is not a serious crime. Plus, it is not as widespread as some people suggest. It is already a crime and a certain amount of punishment is prescribed for it. The government thinks the current jail term in enough,” said Redwan, who confirmed that gay crimes would not be added to the list of unpardonable crimes.
Two groups had been planning to hold a large anti-gay rally in Addis Ababa on April 26. Dereje Negash, chairman of a religious group affiliated with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, said the cancellation came after people inside the church asked the government to prevent the rally.
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“Currently I’m being threatened by the gay community     or organizing the rally. Despite the threat, I will continue to pursue my struggle against the gay community. I believe I have been given a task by God to do this. I will do this even if it means life or death,” Dereje said.
Dereje said his group is not seeking the harassment of gay people, but he wants Ethiopian law to increase punishments for gay sex. Dereje said that gay sex tourism is increasing in the country and he wants it stopped.
“We believe the gay people should be supported to get out of their bad life. We have helped hundreds of people to abandon gay acts so far,” he said.

How TPLF killed higher education

TPLF/EPRDF’s major bragging source over the last number of years has been its ‘achievements’ in the education sector, particularly in university education. The ruling group constantly brandishes its statics about the ‘expansion’ of higher learning in Ethiopia. What is not included in the fraudulent statistics is the obliteration of quality and depth of teaching and learning in these so-called ‘universities.’  As we have seen in most of the TPLF/EPRDF failed and corrupt policies the establishment of these so called ‘universities’ is nothing more than a construction contract to its own business conglomerates and university administration appointment to its loyal cadres.
Addis Ababa University (formerly Haile Selassie I University) is a university in Ethiopia.
Addis Ababa University
A university is more than a building. A university in its true form requires several contextual, philosophical, and logistical grounds to fully carry out its historical and traditional role as a place of higher learning.
The higher learning landscape in Ethiopia under TPLF/EPRDF suffers from four acute problems. First, there is a chronic lack of academic freedom and autonomy, which is an essential component for any university to discharge its responsibilities. Second, there is an absence of qualified and competent instructor and mentors. Third is the almost non-existent nature of 21st century tools, such Internet communication, and finally there is the occupation and control of higher learning institutions by uneducated TPLF/EPRDF cadres. These key factors, coupled with the overall social, economic, and political problems, continue to plague the country’s higher learning landscape equating to a level similar to the mass wedding ceremonies orchestrated by a religious group lead by a self-proclaimed messiah, such as Reverend Sun Myung Moon[1]
In fact the assault on higher learning began in 1993 when TPLF/EPRDF fired 42 seasoned academics from Addis Ababa University and replaced them with its loyal cadres.[2] Ever since then the ruling group has continued to destroy higher learning under the guise of ‘expanding’ education. Universities and educational institutions in general are places where students are taught how to think, instead of what to think. Furthermore, universities are places in which curious learners are provided with the tools and the support to conduct research that has practical values in the social, economic, and political life of the society. Instead, the regime has built political re-education camps[3] where political cadres have the final word on the academic, social, and administrative life of an institution.
Indeed merit and qualification has never been TPLF/EPRDF’s s strong suit. Starting from senior cabinet positions to all the way to the lowest level of the administrative body they have appointed their cadres to run the country, and, quite frankly, the regime is not going to treat universities in any different way.
‘Massification’ of higher learning in Ethiopia, preferring quantity of graduates to quality, has reached a critical stage, and it is becoming very problematic to use the term ‘university’ to describe these diploma mills. In TPLF/EPRDF’s Ethiopia every institution is forced to be subordinate to the twisted ideology of the regime. The first and foremost pillar of a university anywhere in the world is autonomy and academic freedom. These two elements are the oxygen of a free learning and teaching environment. Contrary to this the ruling group maintains full control over these institutions depriving them the oxygen of freedom they desperately need to breath and function freely.
Maintaining its well-established destructive role TPLF/EPRDF is moulding higher learning institutions in its own image, and the image is not pretty. Infused with ugly and hate filled propaganda, the image of these so-called universities looks like this: (a) all of these institutions must maintain perceived or real ethnic polarization and tension;
(b) These institution must serve to promote TPLF/EPRDF’s divisive agenda; (c) all ‘university’ senior management, including presidents, must be members of the TPLF or TPLF manufactured political organizations; (d) critical thinking and questioning the prevailing orthodoxy equals terrorism; and (e) university campus informants are part and parcel of the security and surveillance structure of the regime.
The overall decline of the quality of higher learning in Ethiopia is evident in the African and world university rankings.  Currently, according to the African Economist University Rankings, only one university out of 35 so-called universities in Ethiopia appears on the ranking chart.[4] The rest are nowhere to be seen on any of university rankings.
We have come to be accustomed with TPLF/EPRDF lies, such us tyranny is democracy, repression is freedom, concentration of wealth in the hands of its inner circle is economic growth and development. The most tragic one is their political re-education camp ‘universities’.
Finally, one cannot understand the sad state of higher education in Ethiopia without understanding TPLF/EPRDF’s distractive political and economic agenda. Ultimately, these daunting challenges are intertwined and interconnected, therefore they only can find a solution when the fundamentals of the governance parameters are addressed.  Freedom, justice, and democratic accountability are the only solution. In the meantime, those who are enrolled in these institutions should continue to demand better quality as part of their struggle for a free, just, and democratic society.